The documents and other information obtained before and since SEIU-UHW was placed in trusteeship show a clear pattern of Sal Rosselli and the other former top officials scheming for more than 18 months on how to use the resources and machinery of the local union to evade democratic decisions made by the members and leaders of SEIU. But beyond that, in an escalating pattern that peaked in January 2009, the former officials were using their time, not working to represent members as they were required by law, their oath of office, and the most fundamental of union ethics, but planning and amassing the records and materials – and attempting to amass the money from the SEIU-UHW coffers – needed to start up a new union should they be removed from office. The strategy included a scheme to sabotage SEIU-UHW and its members so as to better position themselves to decertify units and build their new organization.

They recklessly spent union resources on these activities. They purposely put members in jeopardy by canceling contract extensions, leaving members with no union protection, and leaving more than 100 contracts open, making them harder to bargain and forcing members to negotiate in deteriorating economic circumstances. They tried to transfer millions off the union's books for their personal use and to launch NUHW. They stole records, documents, and files in an effort to cripple SEIU-UHW so as to win a competitive advantage when they formed their own union – even if it harmed the very members they are now seeking represent. And they used members cynically as a "front" for their activities.

Their willingness to put members at risk for their own purposes continued after the trusteeship.  Among other things, Paul Kumar sought to undermine SEIU's efforts to protect the wages of home care workers at the same time they were trying to represent those same members in Fresno, and were using the wage cut issue against SEIU.

The question of what happened between Rosselli and his followers and SEIU is no longer a matter of public relations, but a matter of public record. And it's a record that belies the public persona of Sal Rosselli and his followers as progressives leading a workers' rebellion. Rather, it shows them as coldly calculating how to maintain their power and influence at all costs – even if the costs had to be borne by the members they were sworn to serve and represent.